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Text / Ilya MatveevOn September 21, 2009 the employees of the Almaty Heavy Machine-Building Plant (AZTM) submitted a special petition to the President of Kazakhstan. The workers demanded the nationalization of the enterprise. One of the organizers of the action was worker and union activist Ainur Kurmanv. The next day Ainur was severely beaten by unknown persons on the threshold of his own home. Bleeding profusely, he was able to make it to his apartment and then spent several days in hospital. That vicious attack, which has attracted international attention, is an indicator of the atmosphere of persecution and terror against workers and social activists prevailing in Kazakhstan - a country which, don't forget, is supposed to chair the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe in 2010. &quot;I'm 33 years old now, and I've spent 18 years serving the cause of the workers of Kazakhstan,&quot; says Ainur. &quot;At 16, I went to work at the Metallist military plant in Uralsk, where I joined the Solidarity workers' movement.&quot; In 1997 Ainur was arrested on trumped up charges of &quot;insulting the President and representatives of authority&quot;, and pending the investigation and trial he spent six months in prison. A friend of Ainur's, worker activist Sergei Kolokolov, was charged in connection with the same case. Although he suffered from a kidney disease, he was put in a cell with no window in the winter: immediately after his release he was taken from the courtroom to the hospital. The doctors could not save him, and a few months later he was dead. &quot;Seeing the constant humiliations to which the workers are subjected, the universal non-payment of wages, beatings of worker activists by the police and criminals, the destruction of their plants by government officials and new owners, we realized the need for an uncompromising struggle to create new, independent unions,&quot; says Ainur. In 1999 there was a mass strike in Uralsk and some big plants were shut down for several months. The 2,000 workers of the Metallist plant went on strike for almost six months, setting up roadblocks and holding marches, picket lines and meetings. In 2000, at the age of 23, Ainur became the chairman of the union committee, and held the position for two years. Recently in Kazakhstan, as in other CIS countries, more and more independent unions have been emerging. The workers are beginning to organize themselves and their organizations are becoming the basis of a new labour movement. &quot;In Karabatan, Zhanaozen, Karabulak and at the Almaty Railroad Car Repair Plant this year, worker protests have been conducted by independent unions or strike committees created and elected from below,&quot; says Ainur. Confronted with the closing of plants, cutbacks in production and non-payment of wages, the workers have not only been creating independent unions, they have also been promoting the slogan of nationalization. That is what happened at TOO &quot;Burgylau&quot; in Zhanaozen, and the Railroad Repair Plant and Heavy Machine-Building Plant in Almaty. The workers have appealed to the state as the &quot;only tool for solving acute conflicts&quot;, says Ainur. But the country's leadership has no interest in nationalization. The authorities have been defending the interests of the owners, and have crushed any demonstrations by the workers with force. In many cases the owners are not even interested in maintaining production: they simply try to squeeze as much as they can out of the workers and obsolete equipment, and then close the plant and use the land for warehouses or commercial space. &quot;A real opportunity is now emerging to revive the mass workers' movement through the formation of independent industrial and regional union centres,&quot; says Ainur. &quot;Our non-governmental organization Talmas, together with the science workers' union and the Odak association of unions, has been actively working to that end and has set up an information centre to help the workers organize themselves. A whole series of actions aimed at promoting unity is planned for the autumn of 2009 and the spring of 2010, and we are very optimistic about that process.&quot;

Union activist Ainur Kurmanov is part of a grass-roots struggle that is creating new, independent unions in Kazakhstan.

Profile of Ainur Kurmanov Download pdf file with illustrations >>

The tireless struggle for independent unions

VIETNAM: The International Metalworkers' Federation's Shipbuilding Action Group met in Hanoi on November 11 and 12 to develop a global strategy for the shipbuilding industry in light of the current global economic and financial crisis. Unions from two regions took part in the meeting and considered a wide range of issues currently impacting on the global industry.The unions present recommitted themselves to playing an active role in trying to stop the industry from falling into a situation of overcapacity and unfair trade practices such as subsidies. The Shipbuilding Action Group agreed to continue to develop a global response to the problems faced by workers in the industry by developing a union position on both overcapacity and unfair trade.Rob Johnston IMF Executive Director commented that, &quot;workers have so far been the victims of the economic crisis and it now falls on our shoulders to ensure that they are not also the victims of protectionist measures that put workers in one country at a disadvantage to another country because of unfair subsidies.&quot; &quot;We have consistently argued that it's possible to maintain jobs in the industry, develop new technologies and skills by developing sustainable trade polices. However, this can only happen by taking a long-term view for the industry and not a short-term quick fix.&quot;The Action Group committed to developing a policy position that can be presented to the OECD WP6 (Shipbuilding). The Shipbuilding Action Group will be carrying out a consultation process before a final paper is produced.

Shipbuilding industry needs an even keel in trade.

IMF Shipbuilding Action Group meets

GLOBAL: As the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change conferencee in Copenhagen (COP-15) approaches, the latest issue of Metal World has granted particular focus to the topic. After October's climate change meeting jointly held by IMF, ICEM, EMF and EMCEF a <a href="../index.cfm?c=21574&amp;mwId=21563&amp;l=2">special report</a> takes an in depth look at climate change and the position industrial workers will take in Copenhagen.Industrial trade union federations representing workers globally in a number of sectors will be in Copenhagen in December 2009 demanding a strong legally-binding, comprehensive global agreement ensuring ambitious reductions of green house gas emissions and that social justice and long-term employment are integral elements of the package.To match the climate theme, Metal World features <a href="../index.cfm?c=21567&amp;mwId=21563&amp;l=2">the cutting edge technology being developed by engineers at Astrium where satellites used to measure the earth's climate are developed and manufactured</a>. Their union, Unite, helps Astrium stay at the forefront of technology by fighting for better pay and conditions, enabling the company to recruit and train the best people for this work.After being viciously attacked <a href="../index.cfm?c=21581&amp;mwId=21563&amp;l=2">Ainur Kurmanov, a trade union activist in Kazakhstan</a>, talks about his struggle to create new, independent unions in the profile on the back page of the latest issue of Metal World.

The latest issue of Metal World, published online December 1, calls attention to the upcoming climate change conference in Copenhagen, features engineers at Astrium staying at the cutting edge of technology to tackle climate change, and profiles union activist Ainur Kurmanov's struggle in Kazakhstan.

Metal World 4 2009

A spotlight on climate change

In a series of fact sheets about the COP 15, the UNFCCC states that the following four issues on the table at Copenhagen are essential to reaching a deal.1. Emission reduction targets for developed countriesDeveloped countries must accept the need to continue to take the lead in reducing global GHG emissions. In order to do so an agreement must be reached on an ambitious mid-term target for the group of developed countries as a whole, with each one making an effort of comparable scale in line with their historical responsibility and current capabilities.To date most developed countries have announced their mid-term target for emission reductions for 2020. However despite the fact that key developed country forums such as the G8 have recognized a 2°C limit, pledges for mid-term woefully short of the IPCC range (25 to 40 per cent below 1990 levels by 2020). Negotiations could raise the current level of ambition.What are our key demands and what would we like to see included?•    A strong legally-binding, comprehensive global agreement ensuring ambitious reduction of green house gas emissions;•    Social justice and long-term employment policies as an integral element of climate policy;•    Environmental protection through reduced emissions (a social cost) whilst increasing employment (a social benefit) and largest emitters should lead;•    Sectoral concerns addressed, including a fair global carbon trading regime - climate change legislation should ensure a level playing field and eliminate the possibility of carbon leakage; and•    Insurance that any agreement includes international competitiveness provisions that do not disadvantage those companies and nations that are first to adopt carbon pricing schemes.2. Nationally appropriate mitigation actions of developing countries.The biggest contribution to the global emissions increase over the next decades is projected to come from developing countries; though their per capita C02 emissions will remain substantially lower than those in developed country regions. In previous meetings developing countries have indicated a willingness to undertake nationally appropriate mitigation actions, provided that they receive support for such actions.A major concern for developing countries is that mitigation could distract resources away from their overriding policies, which are poverty eradication and economic growth. The Copenhagen deal could build on domestic mitigation actions underway or planned in developing countries, and identify how they can be enhanced with international support.What are our key demands and what would we like to see included?•    Sustainability which integrates environmental, social and economic concerns. For labour the social dimension is crucial and must promote trade union values of economic development, a fair distribution of wealth, social welfare, equity, peace and human rights, thereby creating a complete framework for sustainability;•    Technology transfer that allows for a fair regime for the transfer of advanced technologies for materials and processes, and use of an international fund for research and development and largest emitters should lead; and•    Developing programmes which ensure a requirement that companies and corporations use best available technologies when they move production.3. Scaling up financial and technological support for both adaptation and mitigationAdequate financial, technological and capacity-building support is the engine for advancing international cooperation on climate change as well as national action. An essential part of a comprehensive deal at Copenhagen is identifying how to generate new, additional and predictable financial resources and technology. Resources that are needed for both adaptation and mitigation have been estimated to up to USD250 billion per annum in 2020.Start up funding is essential and the financial challenge is unique and stark. At the moment adaptation costs are primarily borne by the affected countries, including poor vulnerable communities which have no responsibility for emissions. Kick starting the action initiated in Copenhagen requires start up funding in the order of USD10 billion.What are our key demands and what would we like to see included?•    Modification of WTO rules to ensure that trade rules including those governing intellectual property do not undermine environmental objectives;•    Sharing science which allows developing countries to effectively measure emissions;•    Ensuring significant public and private investment in education and training, as well as research and development innovation; and•    Worker participation in the formulation and implementation of these programmes, as well as information and consultation rights on the sustainable development of companies.4. An effective institutional framework with governance structures that address the needs of developing countries Copenhagen needs to deliver on an efficient mix of financial instruments with effective means for disbursement and for measurement, reporting and verification. Much of the available funding has not reached developing countries in a way that is regarded as efficient or beneficial. It is critical that the funds are agreed as part of the Copenhagen outcome. In addition, governance principles must be founded on equity, respecting the interests and needs of developing countries, and that includes them as equal decision-making partners.What are our key demands and what would we like to see included?•    Recognition that although all countries have a responsibility to mitigate climate change, it is clear that the greatest responsibility lies with the largest industrial nations;•    Financial and environmental crisis must not be used as an excuse for cost and job cutting or delaying action on environmental protection. The so-called &quot;free market&quot; will not create solutions by itself; and·    Emissions-trading is insufficient in isolation from other policies.Jargon Busting for Copenhagen:Green house gases The atmospheric gases responsible for causing global warming and climate change. The major GHGs are carbon dioxide (CO2), methane (CH4) and nitrous oxide (N20). Less prevalent, but very powerful, greenhouse gases are hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs), perfluorocarbons (PFCs) and sulphur hexafluoride (SF6). Climate change The United Nations Convention on Climate Change defines climate change as &quot;a change of climate which is attributed directly or indirectly to human activity that alters the composition of the global atmosphere and which is in addition to natural climate variability observed over comparable time periods.&quot;Carbon Footprint A Carbon Footprint is a measure of the amount of green house gases produced as a result of particular human activities.Carbon Leakage Carbon leakage refers to the part of emissions reductions that are made in one of the countries bound to reduce emissions, which are offset by an increase in emissions in a country that is not bound to reduce emissions. For example this can occur through relocation of energy-intensive production from a country that controls emissions to a country that does not.Carbon Offsetting The idea is to reduce the impact of carbon dioxide emissions from everyday activities such as driving cars, heating homes and flying. The emissions from such activity are calculated by a carbon offsetting provider and then paid for through a donation to a project that reduces carbon by the equivalent amount.Jargon Busting for Copenhagen:Emissions trading scheme (ETS) The ETS is a &quot;cap and trade system&quot;. Countries are given a national allocation of how much carbon dioxide they can emit, which is then divided up among the companies covered by the scheme. If companies emit more than they are allowed they must purchase permits to make up for the excess. If they emit less, they can sell their unused allocations.Border adjustment Border adjustments, also known as Border Tax Adjustments or Border Tax Assessments, are import fees levied by carbon-taxing countries on goods manufactured in non-carbon-taxing countries. For example a product manufactured in a country that adopts an ETS scheme should not be cheaper in a non-ETS country as a result of the extra costs for emissions trading. A tax would be applied to level the playing field.Green Jobs According to the International Labour Organization green jobs reduce the environmental impact of enterprises and economic sectors, ultimately to levels that are sustainable. However many traditional jobs such as steelworkers could also be considered green as alternative energy sources such as wind, solar and wave all have major steel components.In October 2009, the International Metalworkers' Federation (IMF), International Federation of Chemical, Energy, Mine and General Workers' Unions (ICEM), European Metalworkers' Federation (EMF) and the European Mine, Chemical and Energy Workers' Federation (EMCEF) organized a conference in Germany entitled &quot;Cutting Emissions, Transforming Jobs&quot;. The meeting discussed the position industrial workers will take at the upcoming United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change conference in Copenhagen Denmark. Photo: Anita Gardner/IMFUnited Steelworkers joined with other unions and environmental groups in a nationwide Made in America jobs tour in 2009, highlighting the benefits to American workers and businesses of transitioning to a clean energy economy that will create millions of jobs. Photo: Steven Dietz/USW

UNFCCC four focus issues

Unions recognize that industrial change is happening. Workers must be prepared and protected. However, clear distinctions between the 'green' and traditional economy are impossible. There are vital economic and industrial links between sectors. 'Greening' skills in all sectors and worker participation are key. To be sustainable, future 'greener' jobs must be decent and unionized.The IMF supports the International Trade Union Confederation's position on Just Transition. Our present jobs can, in many cases, be sustainable, but changes will come. We believe that the costs and benefits of protecting the environment should be shared fairly. Just Transition is a message of hope: decent work and social justice can co-exist with environmental protection. However, this will only happen if the world plans for it, and makes it happen through public policies that are in the public interest.<table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="1" align="center"><tbody><tr><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21576&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">&lt;&lt; back</a></td><td> </td><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21574&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">beginning</a></td><td> </td><td align="center" valign="middle"><a href="../index.cfm?c=21580&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">forward &gt;&gt;</a></td></tr></tbody></table>

Influencing the climate debate

How it all started

What is COP 15

Sustainable job creation

Special report Download the pdf file with illustrations >>

Whatever happens in Copenhagen climate change will remain at the top of the political agenda. If an agreement is concluded, which looks unlikely, then unions will have a key role to ensure that the burden of such an agreement does not fall on the shoulders of workers. We will also have a key role to play in the implementation of any agreement. Education of workers on climate issues is also a significant challenge in the future for unions, one that we can not ignore if we want to play an active role.If an agreement is not reached or agreed only in principle then we must continue to demand action in order to save our planet. As the debate on how best to respond to climate change continues, we must ensure that we present our views to the highest levels of government for an alternative world economy: A green economy which is based on the principles of social justice for all.The following websites offer additional information about climate change and trade union responses to this issue:<a href="http://www.unfccc.int/">http://www.unfccc.int/</a> <a href="http://www.climate.ituc-csi.org/">http://www.climate.ituc-csi.org/</a> <a href="../climatechange">www.imfmetal.org/climatechange</a> <a href="http://www.hazards.org/greenjobs">www.hazards.org/greenjobs</a> <a href="http://www.sustainlabour.org/">http://www.sustainlabour.org/</a> <table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="1" align="center"><tbody><tr><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21579&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">&lt;&lt; back</a></td><td> </td><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21574&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">beginning</a></td></tr></tbody></table>

After Copenhagen?

In 1979, the inception of today's modern day climate programme began, and the first world climate conference was held in Geneva, Switzerland. This conference was the first to recognize climate change as a serious problem. The mainly scientific gathering explored how climate change might affect human activities in the future. It also endorsed plans to establish a World Climate Programme (WCP) under the joint responsibility of the World Meteorological Organization (WMO), the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the International Council of Scientific Unions (ICSU). It also led to the creation, by WMO and UNEP, of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in 1988.During the late 1980s and early 1990s awareness of the issue of climate change was beginning to develop and a number of intergovernmental conferences took place and, together with increasing scientific evidence, these conferences helped to raise concern about the issue. Gradually the issue of global warming and its potential impact on life on earth began to move up the political agenda.The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) released its first Assessment Report in 1990. Approved after a painstaking peer review process, the Report confirmed the scientific evidence for climate change. This had a powerful effect on both policy makers and the general public at its release and provided the basis for negotiations on the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), which was adopted at the &quot;Rio Earth Summit&quot; in 1992, and entered into force on March 21, 1994.The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is the foundation of global efforts to combat global warming. The Convention on Climate Change attempts to set an overall framework for intergovernmental efforts to tackle the challenge posed by climate change. It recognizes that the climate system is a shared resource whose stability can be affected by industrial and other emissions of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases. The ultimate objective of the treaty is to stabilize greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere at a level that will prevent human interference with the climate system. The Convention enjoys near universal membership, with 192 countries (the parties) having ratified but contains no enforcement mechanisms and in that sense is considered non-legally binding. In reality the fact that it was not binding probably helped its universal membership.Since the UNFCCC entered into force, the parties have been meeting annually in the Conference of the Parties (COP) to assess progress in dealing with climate change, and beginning in the mid-1990s to negotiate the Kyoto Protocol. The Kyoto Protocol, which was adopted in 1997 and entered into force in 2005, has 184 Parties of the Convention having ratified its Protocol. The major feature of this Protocol is that it sets binding targets for 37 industrialized countries and the European Community to reducing their emissions by an average of five per cent by 2012 against 1990 levels. The major distinction between the Protocol and the Convention is that while the Convention encouraged industrialized countries to stabilize Green House Gas emissions (GHG), the Protocol commits them to do so.The Protocol also recognizes that industrialized countries are principally responsible for the current high level of GHG in the atmosphere due to 150 years of industrial activity and is based on a cap and trade mechanism. So the Protocol also places a heavier burden on developed nations under the principle of &quot;common but differentiated responsibilities&quot;, which were listed and identified in Annex 1 of the UNFCCC and thereafter referred to as Annex 1 countries.Signatories to the UNFCCC are split into three groups, Annex 1 (Industrialized countries) Annex 2 (countries that have a special obligation to provide financial resources and facilitate technology transfer to developing countries, these include the 24 original OECD members plus the European Union) and Annex 3 (developing countries not expected to de-carbonize their economies unless developed countries supply enough funding and technology). So far 137 developing countries (including India and China) have ratified the Protocol but none of these nations are obliged to reduce emissions. Under the treaty, countries must meet their targets through national measures. However the Kyoto Protocol offers them an additional means of meeting their targets by way of three market-based mechanisms. They are:Emissions trading schemes (ETS) Known as &quot;the carbon market&quot;, emissions trading is a market-based scheme for environmental improvement that allows parties to buy and sell permits for emissions or credits for reductions in emissions of certain pollutants.Clean development mechanism (CDM) A Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) allows Annex 1 countries to buy carbon credits by investing in sustainable projects in developing countries, such as energy from waste power plants or wind farms, which will reduce GHG emissions in those countries. These credits can then be counted towards an industrialized country's emissions targets. Understandably the CDM has proved to be highly controversial as an easy way out for industrialized countries without tackling the problems at home.Joint implementation (JI)Any Annex I country can invest in emission reduction projects (referred to as &quot;Joint Implementation Projects&quot;) in any other Annex I country as an alternative to reducing emissions domestically. In this way countries can lower the costs of complying with their Kyoto targets by investing in greenhouse gas reductions in an Annex I country where reductions are cheaper, and then applying the credit for those reductions towards their commitment goal.The aim is for these mechanisms to help stimulate green investment and help parties meet their targets in a cost effective way.However, the Kyoto Protocol was not without problems as the United States, at the time the world's largest emitter, would have been required to reduce its total emissions by an average of seven per cent below 1990 levels, however neither the Clinton nor the Bush administration sent the Protocol to Congress for ratification. The Bush administration explicitly rejected the Protocol in 2001. While the Kyoto agreement accomplished little in terms of slowing emissions it has however been successful in making the heads of 90 per cent of the world's governments acknowledge that climate change is a real problem. The Kyoto Protocol is set to expire in 2012 and in Denmark the COP 15 will attempt to hammer out the details and construct a final agreement for the period 2012 to 2020 to be signed in Copenhagen. This needs to be done by December in order to allow national governments time to prepare for implementation beyond 2012. The signs of achieving this however do not look positive.<table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="1" align="center"><tbody><tr><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21574&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">&lt;&lt; back</a></td><td> </td><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21574&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">beginning</a></td><td> </td><td align="center" valign="middle"><a href="../index.cfm?c=21576&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">forward &gt;&gt;</a></td></tr></tbody></table>

COP 15 refers to the 15th meeting of the Conference of the Parties (COP), which this year takes place in Copenhagen. The negotiating process on climate change revolves around the sessions of the UNFCCC, which meets every year to review the implementation of the convention. The COP adopts decisions and resolutions, published in reports of the COP. The COP also serves as the meeting of the Parties to the Kyoto Protocol (CMP) which also adopts decisions and resolutions on the implementation of its provisions. Participation in COP15 and CMP 5 is restricted to duly nominated representatives of the parties, observer states, accredited observer organisations and accredited press/media.Thousands of participants including government representatives and observer organizations have attended previous climate change conferences. The sessions in Bali, Indonesia (COP13) attracted over 10,000 participants, including 3,500 government officials, over 5,800 representatives of UN bodies and agencies, intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations, and nearly 1,500 accredited members of the media. This year in Copenhagen the figure may be even higher with 20,000 people expected and at least half of them will be from civil society.More than 180 trade unionists have already registered to attend the meeting and the union delegation is being coordinated by the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) in close cooperation with LO-Denmark. In addition to the negotiations, a number of major trade union activities have been planned, the largest of which is the World of Work Pavilion (WOW) in the LO-Denmark building on December 14 to 16. During this activity a whole series of events will take place to promote the views of trade unions and what we believe any future agreement should contain.<table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="1" align="center"><tbody><tr><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21575&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">&lt;&lt; back</a></td><td> </td><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21574&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">beginning</a></td><td> </td><td align="center" valign="middle"><a href="../index.cfm?c=21579&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">forward &gt;&gt;</a></td></tr></tbody></table>

GERMANY: On November 24 and 25 the fourth International Siemens Meeting, organised by IMF, IG Metall and the Central Works' Council of Siemens took place in Munich. For the first time this meeting took place on company premises (Siemens location in Munich-Neuperlach), the company took over costs and was represented by Professor Dr. Russwurm, who is a member of the management board.The representation of workers in Europe was based on the new cluster organisation of Siemens. From outside Europe, workers' representatives from the U.S., Brazil, India and China participated.Prof. Dr. Russwurm informed participants of the global strategy of the company as an integrated technology company with business activities in 190 countries. Based on forecasted trends such as demographic change, urbanization, climate change and global economic growth, Siemens focuses its activities on three sectors: Industry, Energy and Health Care. Siemens IT Solutions and Services and Siemens Financial Services serve as cross sector activities.With a workforce of 427,000, Siemens had a turnover of 77.3 billion Euros in 2008.  Fifty-five per cent of the revenues are in Europe, the CIS countries and Africa, 26 per cent in the Americas and 21 per cent in Asia. Sixty-nine per cent of the workforce is employed abroad. The BRIC countries (Brazil, Russia, India and China) are generating the highest growth within the company. Therefore these countries play an important role within the strategies of Siemens for the next decade.The participants also discussed the structures and strategies of existing bodies of workers' representation, like the Central Works' Council in Germany and the SEC (Siemens Europe Committee) and pointed out the necessity for a worldwide structure of union cooperation within this global company. Also the possibility of an International Framework Agreement was raised, a question which received a positive signal from the management representative.The stepping up of efforts to intensify the cooperation between plant / company-based workers' representatives and existing unions in different regions and countries and the installation of a functioning information network, as well as the necessity of unionizing projects (the degree of unionization - especially outside Europe - is not very high) were other items on the agenda of the meeting.

Worker representatives from Siemens' operations in Europe, the U.S., Brazil, India and China meet and strengthen worldwide union cooperation within the company.

International Siemens meeting intensifies trade union cooperation

&quot;The hub could be elsewhere in Europe, or somewhere like Singapore. But if it was in the UK, then the BAs of this world would then be in a position to drive change.&quot; Bernie's point is that an international hub airport built in the UK would produce fewer emissions than the same hub anywhere else, because British industry would build and run the airport in a lower-carbon way. &quot;Companies [in the UK aviation sector] constantly strive to bring new technologies onto the market. They're striving to substantially reduce their emissions, but the green lobby wouldn't recognize that.&quot; So why doesn't Unite speak out for emissions cuts as clearly as it spoke out in favour of aviation expansion? &quot;Unite is already promoting cleaner technology. For example, Unite in Scotland is pushing for carbon capture on coal-fired power stations. There's lots of policy bubbling along but it hasn't been unified into a clear statement.&quot; The most recent research on aviation and climate change suggests that improved technology won't be enough to prevent the damage. Even with optimistic estimates of increased fuel efficiency and better air traffic management, the CO2 emissions from aviation are still set to quadruple by 2050.But according to Bernie, we already have technology that could go a long way towards cutting emissions; the real problem is a lack of interest and investment. &quot;Rolls-Royce has done work on a more fuel-efficient plane, and it's ready to launch, but they don't know if the market's ready. The new advanced planes are 20-30 per cent more fuel-efficient than current planes, but they won't launch because they fear they'll be a flop in the current climate. Airlines are on their knees just now; they don't have the liquidity [to invest in new solutions]. Any new technology is a new purchase.&quot;Bernie also believes that many workers in the union fail to see any connection between their jobs and climate change. &quot;It should be more linked. As unions we are here to address climate change, just as we're here to fight fascism or show solidarity for workers in Cuba. But the drive has to come from the top.&quot;<table border="0" cellspacing="0" cellpadding="1" align="center"><tbody><tr><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21571&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">&lt;&lt; back</a></td><td> </td><td><a href="../index.cfm?c=21567&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">beginning</a></td><td> </td><td align="center" valign="middle"><a href="../index.cfm?c=21573&amp;mwId=21566&amp;l=2">forward &gt;&gt;</a></td></tr></tbody></table>

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